What Happened to the Alliance Between Horde and Alliance Fighting Again

1996–2001 anti-Taliban military front in Afghanistan

United Islamic National Forepart for the Salvation of Afghanistan
Leaders Burhanuddin Rabbani
Abdullah Abdullah
Ahmad Shah Massoud
Abdul Rashid Dostum
Haji Abdul Qadeer
Muhammad Mohaqiq
Karim Khalili
Dates of functioning September 1996 – Dec 2001
Headquarters Taloqan, Transitional islamic state of afghanistan (until September 2000)[1]
Fayzabad, Afghanistan (2000–November 2001)[two]
Active regions Afghanistan
Ideology Anti-Taliban
Anti-Terrorism
Anti-Al-Qaeda
Allies
  • India
  • Russia
  • Islamic republic of iran
  • Tajikistan
  • Turkmenistan
  • U.s.a.
  • Uzbekistan
Opponents
  • Taliban
  • Al-Qaeda
  • Islamic republic of pakistan[three]
Battles and wars the State of war in Transitional islamic state of afghanistan and the Global War on Terrorism

The Northern Alliance, officially known as the United Islamic National Front for the Salvation of Transitional islamic state of afghanistan (Dari: جبهه متحد اسلامی ملی برای نجات افغانستان Jabha-yi Muttahid-i Islāmi-yi Millī barāyi Nijāt-i Afghānistān), was a military alliance of groups that operated between late 1996 to 2001[4] after the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan (Taliban) took over Kabul. The United Front was originally assembled by key leaders of the Islamic State of Afghanistan, particularly president Burhanuddin Rabbani and one-time Defence Government minister Ahmad Shah Massoud.[five] Initially information technology included generally Tajiks but by 2000, leaders of other ethnic groups had joined the Northern Alliance. This included Karim Khalili, Abdul Rashid Dostum, Abdullah Abdullah, Mohammad Mohaqiq, Abdul Qadir, Asif Mohseni, Amrullah Saleh and others.[6]

The Northern Alliance fought a defensive war against the Taliban regime.[4] They received support from India, Iran, Russia, Tajikistan, State of israel, Turkmenistan, Us and Uzbekistan,[vii] while the Taliban were extensively backed by the Pakistan Army and Islamic republic of pakistan'south Inter-Services Intelligence.[3] By 2001 the Northern Alliance controlled less than ten% of the country, cornered in the north-due east and based in Badakhshan province. The US invaded Transitional islamic state of afghanistan, providing support to Northern Alliance troops on the footing in a two-month state of war against the Taliban, which they won in Dec 2001.[8] With the Taliban forced from control of the country, the Northern Alliance was dissolved as members and parties supported the new Afghan Interim Administration, with some members later becoming function of the Karzai assistants.

Amidst the Autumn of Kabul in 2021, former Northern Alliance leaders[ who? ] and other anti-Taliban figures have now been regrouped equally the National Resistance Front of Afghanistan.

Commanders and factions [edit]

The United Front was formed in tardily 1996 against the Taliban government past opposition factions. Since early 1999, Ahmad Shah Massoud was the only main leader able to defend his territory against the Taliban, and as such remained as the main de facto political and military leader of the United Front recognized past members of all the different ethnic groups. Massoud decided on the master political line and the general military strategy of the brotherhood. A part of the United Front end military factions, such as Junbish-i Milli or Hezb-e Wahdat, nevertheless, did not fall under the direct command of Massoud simply remained under their respective regional or ethnic leaders.

Military commanders of the United Forepart were either independent or belonged to ane of the following political parties:

  • the Sunni Tajik-dominated Jamiat-e Islami and Shura-e Nazar, led by Burhanuddin Rabbani and Ahmad Shah Massoud
  • the Shia Hazara-dominated Hezb-due east Wahdat, led by Muhammad Mohaqiq and Karim Khalili
  • the Sunni Uzbek and Turkmen-dominated Junbish-i Milli, led past Abdul Rashid Dostum
  • the Sunni Pashtun-dominated Eastern Shura, led past Haji Abdul Qadeer
  • the Shia Tajik and Hazara-dominated Harakat-due east Islami, led past Asif Mohseni and Sayed Mohammad Ali Jawid

Military machine commanders and subcommanders of the United Front included:

  • From northern Afghanistan: Bismillah Khan Mohammadi (Jamiat-e Islami), Atta Muhammad Nur (Jamiat-e Islami), General Shahjahan Noori (Jamiat-e Islami), Mohammed Daud Daud (Jamiat-east Islami), Mohammed Fahim (Jamiat-e Islami), Gul Haidar (Jamiat-e Islami), Muhammad Mohaqiq (Hezb-due east Wahdat), Abdul Rashid Dostum (Junbish-i Milli), Qazi Kabir Marzban;
  • From eastern Transitional islamic state of afghanistan: Haji Abdul Qadeer (Eastern Shura), Hazrat Ali (Eastern Shura), Jaan Daad Khan, Abdullah Wahedi, Qatrah and Najmuddin;
  • From southern Transitional islamic state of afghanistan: Qari Baba, Mohammad Arif Noorzai and Hotak;
  • From western Afghanistan: Ismail Khan (Jamiat-e Islami), Md Ibrahim, and Fazlkarim Aimaq;
  • From central Transitional islamic state of afghanistan: Sayed Mustafa Kazemi (Hezb-due east Wahdat), Said Hussein Aalemi Balkhi, Akbari, Sayed Mohammad Ali Jawid, Karim Khalili (Hezb-e Wahdat) and Sher Alam Ibrahimi (Ittehad-e Islami).

The two principal political candidates in the 2009 Afghan presidential election both worked for the United Front:

  • Abdullah Abdullah (was a shut friend of Ahmad Shah Massoud and the foreign minister of the alliance)
  • Hamid Karzai (his father was killed past the Taliban, he later went on a embassy to gather support for Massoud in Europe and the U.S in 2000/2001)

Headquarters [edit]

Initially, the urban center of Mazar-i-Sharif under Dostum'due south control served as ane of the Northern Alliance's headquarters, until the city was overrun in 1997. Under Massoud'south control, Taloqan in Takhar Province, north of Panjshir, was the grouping'south headquarters until September v, 2000, when the city was taken past the Taliban[9] and led to its base moving to Badakhshan Province.[ii] Massoud also maintained a private residence in Dushanbe, Tajikistan. It was there where Massoud would meet international diplomatic staff who supported the Northern Alliance.[10]

History [edit]

Background [edit]

After the fall of the Soviet-backed communist Najibullah government in 1992, the Afghan political parties agreed on a peace and ability-sharing agreement (the Peshawar Accords). The accords created the Islamic Country of Afghanistan and appointed an acting authorities for a transitional menstruation to be followed by general elections. According to Human Rights Watch:

The sovereignty of Afghanistan was vested formally in the Islamic State of Afghanistan, an entity created in April 1992, afterward the fall of the Soviet-backed Najibullah regime. [...] With the exception of Gulbuddin Hekmatyar'south Hezb-e Islami, all of the parties [...] were ostensibly unified under this government in April 1992. [...] Hekmatyar's Hezb-e Islami, for its part, refused to recognize the government for virtually of the menses discussed in this report and launched attacks against regime forces and Kabul by and large. [...] Shells and rockets fell everywhere.[eleven]

Gulbuddin Hekmatyar received operational, financial and military support from Pakistan.[12] Afghanistan expert Amin Saikal concludes in Mod Transitional islamic state of afghanistan: A History of Struggle and Survival:

Pakistan was great to gear up for a breakthrough in Fundamental Asia. [...] Islamabad could not possibly expect the new Islamic authorities leaders [...] to subordinate their own nationalist objectives in society to aid Pakistan realize its regional ambitions. [...] Had it non been for the ISI's logistic support and supply of a large number of rockets, Hekmatyar's forces would not have been able to target and destroy half of Kabul.[xiii]

In add-on, Saudi arabia and Islamic republic of iran, every bit competitors for regional hegemony, supported Afghan militias hostile towards each other.[xiii] Co-ordinate to Human Rights Watch, Iran was bankroll the Shia Hazara Hezb-e Wahdat forces of Abdul Ali Mazari in society to "maximize Wahdat's armed services ability and influence".[11] [13] [14] Saudi arabia supported the Wahhabite Abdul Rasul Sayyaf and his Ittehad-e Islami faction.[eleven] [xiii] A publication past the George Washington Academy describes:

[O]utside forces saw instability in Afghanistan as an opportunity to press their own security and political agendas.[fifteen]

Conflict between the two militias soon escalated into a total-scale state of war.

Due to the sudden initiation of the war, working government departments, police units or a system of justice and accountability for the newly created Islamic State of Afghanistan did non accept time to form. Atrocities were committed by individuals of the different armed factions while Kabul descended into lawlessness and chaos as described in reports by Human being Rights Sentry and the Afghanistan Justice Project.[11] [16] Because of the chaos, some leaders increasingly had only nominal control over their (sub-)commanders.[17] Human Rights Watch writes:

Rare ceasefires, unremarkably negotiated by representatives of Ahmad Shah Massoud, Sibghatullah Mojaddedi or Burhanuddin Rabbani [the interim government], or officials from the International Committee of the Ruby-red Cross (ICRC), commonly collapsed within days.[11]

Meanwhile, southern Afghanistan was under the control of local leaders not affiliated with the central government in Kabul. In 1994, the Taliban – a move originating from Jamiat Ulema-eastward-Islam–run religious schools for Afghan refugees in Islamic republic of pakistan – besides developed in Afghanistan equally a pol-religious strength.[18] In November 1994 they took control of the southern city of Kandahar and subsequently expanded their control into several provinces in southern and cardinal Afghanistan not under the central government's command.[17]

Map of the situation in Transitional islamic state of afghanistan in late 1996; Massoud (crimson), Dostum (green) and Taliban (yellow) territories.

In late 1994, nearly of the militia factions which had been fighting in the battle for control of Kabul were defeated militarily past forces of the Islamic State'south Minister of Defense force Ahmad Shah Massoud. Bombardment of the uppercase came to a halt.[16] [19] [twenty] The Islamic State authorities took steps to restore law and order.[21] Courts started to work again.[21] Massoud tried to initiate a nationwide political process with the goal of national consolidation and democratic elections, also inviting the Taliban to join the process but they refused as they opposed a democratic organization.[22]

The Taliban started shelling Kabul in early 1995 only were defeated by forces of the Islamic Land regime under Ahmad Shah Massoud.[19] Amnesty International, referring to the Taliban offensive, wrote in a 1995 report:

This is the first time in several months that Kabul civilians accept become the targets of rocket attacks and shelling aimed at residential areas in the city.[19]

The Taliban's early victories in 1994 were followed by a series of defeats that resulted in heavy losses which led analysts to believe the Taliban movement had run its course.[17] At that point Pakistan and Saudi Arabia drastically increased their support to the Taliban.[xiii] [23] Many analysts similar Amin Saikal describe the Taliban as developing into a proxy forcefulness for Islamic republic of pakistan'southward regional interests.[13] On September 26, 1996, every bit the Taliban with military support past Pakistan and financial support by Saudi Arabia, prepared for another major offensive confronting the uppercase Kabul, Massoud ordered a full retreat from the city.[24] The Taliban seized Kabul on September 27, 1996, and established the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan.

Creation of the United Front [edit]

Ahmad Shah Massoud and Abdul Rashid Dostum, onetime enemies, created the United Front end (Northern Alliance) against the Taliban that were preparing offensives against the remaining areas nether the control of Massoud and those nether the control of Dostum. The United Front included beside the dominantly Tajik forces of Massoud and the Uzbek forces of Dostum, Hazara troops led by Haji Mohammad Mohaqiq and Pashtun forces under the leadership of commanders such equally Abdul Haq and Haji Abdul Qadir. Notable politicians and diplomats of the United Front end included Abdul Rahim Ghafoorzai, Abdullah Abdullah and Masood Khalili. From the Taliban conquest of Kabul in September 1996 until November 2001 the United Forepart controlled roughly xxx% of Afghanistan's population in provinces such every bit Badakhshan, Kapisa, Takhar and parts of Parwan, Kunar, Nuristan, Laghman, Samangan, Kunduz, Ghōr and Bamyan.

Pakistani military interference [edit]

Due to the presence of overwhelming support for India among Karzai's Afghan government officials, Pakistan looked to neutralise this threat past cultivating the Taliban in 2001.[25] The assistance provided past India was extensive, including uniforms, ordnance, mortars, small armaments, refurbished Kalashnikovs, combat and winter clothes, besides every bit funds.[26] In 2001 alone, according to several international sources, 28,000–thirty,000 Afghans, who took refuge in Pakistan during Afghan jihad, 14,000–fifteen,000 Afghan Taliban and 2,000–iii,000 Al Qaeda militants were fighting confronting anti-Taliban forces in Afghanistan as a roughly 45,000 strong war machine forcefulness.[22] [27] [28] [29] Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf – then as Chief of Army Staff – was responsible for sending thousands of Pakistanis to fight alongside the Taliban and Bin Laden confronting the forces of Ahmad Shah Massoud.[22] [23] [30] Of the estimated 28,000 Afghan refugees returned from Pakistan fighting in Afghanistan, 8,000 were militants recruited in madrassas filling regular Taliban ranks.[27] A 1998 certificate by the U.South. Land Section confirms that "twenty–40 percent of [regular] Taliban soldiers are returned Afghans from Pakistani refugee camps".[23]

Human Rights Picket wrote in 2000:

Of all the foreign powers involved in efforts to sustain and manipulate the ongoing fighting [in Afghanistan], Pakistan is distinguished both by the sweep of its objectives and the calibration of its efforts, which include soliciting funding for the Taliban, bankrolling Taliban operations, providing diplomatic support every bit the Taliban's virtual emissaries abroad, arranging training for Taliban fighters, recruiting skilled and unskilled manpower to serve in Taliban armies, planning and directing offensives, providing and facilitating shipments of ammunition and fuel, and ... direct providing combat back up.[31]

On August 1, 1997 the Taliban launched an attack on Sheberghan, the main military machine base of Abdul Rashid Dostum. Dostum has said the reason the attack was successful was due to 1500 Pakistani commandos taking role and that the Pakistani air force also gave support.[32]

In 1998, Iran accused Pakistan of sending its air strength to bomb Mazar-i-Sharif in support of Taliban forces and directly accused Pakistani troops for "war crimes at Bamiyan".[33] The same yr Russia said that Pakistan was responsible for the military expansion of the Taliban in northern Afghanistan past sending big numbers of Pakistani troops, some of whom had subsequently been taken as prisoners by the anti-Taliban United Front end.[34]

In 2000, the UN Security Council imposed an arms embargo against military back up to the Taliban, with UN officials explicitly singling out Pakistan. The UN secretary-full general implicitly criticized Islamic republic of pakistan for its military support and the Security Council stated information technology was "deeply distress[ed] over reports of involvement in the fighting, on the Taliban side, of thousands of non-Afghan nationals".[35] In July 2001, several countries including the The states, accused Pakistan of being "in violation of U.Due north. sanctions considering of its military assist to the Taliban".[36]

In 2000, British Intelligence reported that the ISI was taking an active role in several Al Qaeda grooming camps.[37] The ISI helped with the construction of training camps for both the Taliban and Al Qaeda.[37] [38] [39] From 1996 to 2001 the Al Qaeda of Osama Bin Laden and Ayman al-Zawahiri became a state inside the Taliban state.[twoscore] Bin Laden sent Arab and Central Asian Al-Qaeda militants to bring together the fight against the United Front among them his Brigade 055.[40] [41]

With the fall of Kabul to anti-Taliban forces in November 2001, ISI forces worked with and helped Taliban militias who were in full retreat.[42] In Nov 2001, Taliban, Al-Qaeda combatants and ISI operatives were safely evacuated from Kunduz on Pakistan Air Forcefulness cargo aircraft to Islamic republic of pakistan Air Force bases in Chitral and Gilgit in Pakistan's Northern Areas in what has been dubbed the "Airlift of Evil".[43]

The role of the Pakistani armed services has been described past international observers as well as by the anti-Taliban leader Ahmad Shah Massoud as a "creeping invasion".[44] The "creeping invasion" proved unable to defeat the severely outnumbered anti-Taliban forces.[44]

Taliban massacres [edit]

According to a 55-page report by the Un, the Taliban, while trying to consolidate control over northern and western Afghanistan, committed systematic massacres against civilians.[45] [46] UN officials stated that there had been "15 massacres" between 1996 and 2001.[45] [46] They also said, that "[t]hese have been highly systematic and they all pb dorsum to the [Taliban] Ministry of Defence force or to Mullah Omar himself".[45] [46] Al Qaeda's so-chosen 055 Brigade was also responsible for mass-killings of Afghan civilians.[27] The report past the Un quotes eyewitnesses in many villages describing Arab fighters "carrying long knives used for slitting throats and skinning people".[45] [46]

Ahmad Shah Massoud [edit]

Later longstanding battles especially for the northern city of Mazar-i-Sharif, Abdul Rashid Dostum and his Junbish-i Milli forces alongside allied Hezb-e Wahdat forces were defeated by the Taliban and their allies in 1998. Dostum later went into exile. Ahmad Shah Massoud remained the just major anti-Taliban leader inside the state who was able to defend vast parts of his territory confronting the Pakistani Army, the Taliban and Al-Qaeda, not once leaving Afghanistan except for diplomatic purposes.[47] [48]

The Taliban repeatedly offered Massoud money and a position of ability to make him terminate his resistance. Massoud declined. He explained in one interview:

The Taliban say: "Come and accept the post of prime minister and be with us", and they would keep the highest office in the country, the presidentship. Only for what toll?! The difference between us concerns mainly our way of thinking most the very principles of the guild and the state. We can not accept their conditions of compromise, or else we would have to give upward the principles of modernistic republic. We are fundamentally against the system called "the Emirate of Afghanistan".[49]

In that location should be an Afghanistan where every Afghan finds himself or herself happy. And I think that can only exist bodacious by democracy based on consensus.[50]

Massoud wanted to convince the Taliban to join a political process leading towards autonomous elections in a foreseeable futurity.[49] [51] He as well stated:

The Taliban are not a force to be considered invincible. They are distanced from the people now. They are weaker than in the past. There is but the assistance given by Pakistan, Osama bin Laden and other extremist groups that keep the Taliban on their feet. With a halt to that assistance, information technology is extremely hard to survive.[50]

In early 2001 the United Front employed a new strategy of local military pressure and global political appeals.[52] Resentment was increasingly gathering against Taliban rule from the bottom of Afghan social club including the Pashtun areas.[52] In total, estimates range up to 1 1000000 people fleeing the Taliban.[53] Many civilians fled to the area of Ahmad Shah Massoud.[54] [55] National Geographic concluded in its documentary "Inside the Taliban": "The simply thing continuing in the way of time to come Taliban massacres is Ahmad Shah Massoud".[30] In the areas nether his command Massoud set up democratic institutions and signed the Women'south Rights Declaration.[56] At the aforementioned time he was very wary not to revive the failed Kabul government of the early 1990s.[52] Already in 1999 the United Front leadership ordered the grooming of police forces specifically to go on order and protect the noncombatant population in case the United Front would be successful.[22] In early 2001 Ahmad Shah Massoud addressed the European Parliament in Brussels asking the international community to provide humanitarian help to the people of Afghanistan.[53] He stated that the Taliban and Al Qaeda had introduced "a very incorrect perception of Islam" and that without the support of Pakistan and Bin Laden the Taliban would not exist able to sustain their military entrada for up to a twelvemonth.[53] On this visit to Europe he also warned that his intelligence had gathered information almost a large-calibration attack on U.S. soil being imminent.[57]

On September nine, 2001, two Arab suicide attackers, allegedly belonging to Al Qaeda, posing as journalists, detonated a bomb subconscious in a video camera while interviewing Ahmed Shah Massoud in the Takhar province of Transitional islamic state of afghanistan. Commander Massoud died in a helicopter that was taking him to a hospital. He was buried in his home hamlet of Bazarak in the Panjshir Valley.[58] The funeral, although taking identify in a rather rural expanse, was attended by hundreds of thousands of mourning people.

The assassination of Massoud is considered to have a stiff connection to the attacks in the U.S. two days later, which killed nearly 3,000 people and which appeared to be the terrorist attack that Massoud had warned against in his speech to the European Parliament several months before. John P. O'Neill was a counter-terrorism expert and the Assistant Director of the FBI until tardily 2001. He retired from the FBI and was offered the position of director of security at the World Merchandise Center (WTC). He took the chore at the WTC two weeks earlier 9/xi. On September x, 2001, John O'Neill told 2 of his friends,

We're due. And nosotros're due for something big. ... Some things accept happened in Afghanistan [referring to the assassination of Massoud]. I don't like the way things are lining upward in Afghanistan. ... I sense a shift, and I think things are going to happen. ... soon.[59]

O'Neill died the following solar day, when the south tower complanate.[59]

After the terrorist attacks of September xi, 2001, United Front troops ousted the Taliban from power in Kabul with American air back up in Functioning Enduring Freedom, using intelligence reports offered by Islamic republic of iran during the 6 plus Ii Group meetings at the United nations Headquarters. In November and December 2001 the United Front gained control of much of the country and played a crucial role in establishing the post-Taliban interim government of Hamid Karzai in late 2001.

Mail service ix/eleven [edit]

Territorial control of Northern Brotherhood before the U.S invasion of Transitional islamic state of afghanistan

After the September 11 attacks in the United States in 2001, the United Front end succeeded in retaking Kabul from the Taliban with air back up from U.s.a.-led forces during Performance Enduring Liberty. Despite fears of a render to the chaos like to that of the 1992–1996 civil state of war, all the Afghan leaders met in Germany to create a new government. Hamid Karzai was chosen to lead the state and most key positions were given to Tajik members of the Northern Alliance. This created a major international issue. While Islamic republic of pakistan has always favored Afghanistan'south major ethnic group, the Pashtun, India saw an opportunity for increasing its regional ability by jumping on lath with the support of the Northern Alliance in the early on days of the war.[threescore] With both nations seeking to increase or maintain their regional power through opposing factions on the ground, the conflict in Afghanistan has increasingly been seen past observers as a proxy-war between these powers.[61] [62]

From 2002 to 2004 Transitional islamic state of afghanistan witnessed relative at-home. By 2006, however, with the support of Pakistan, a Taliban insurgency was increasingly gaining strength. In 2010, Afghan President Karzai decided that the only style to end the Taliban insurgency is to telephone call for peace. This process became accepted and supported by all international partners of Afghanistan, except by several fundamental figures of the Northern Alliance such as Abdullah Abdullah, Ahmad Zia Massoud, Mohammad Mohaqiq, and others. The opposition, by then splintered into several parties, warned that Karzai's appeasement policy could come up at the cost of Afghanistan's political and economical development, and the progress made in areas such as education and women'south rights. As the opposition leaders were excluded from secret talks with the Taliban past NATO and the Karzai administration and Karzai's political rhetoric was increasingly adjusted to Taliban demands, United Forepart leaders, in late 2011, regrouped to oppose a return of the Taliban to Afghanistan.

Legacy [edit]

Between 1996 and 2001, the Northern Alliance blocked the Taliban and al-Qaeda from gaining control of the entirety of Afghanistan. Many internally displaced persons constitute shelter in areas controlled by Ahmad Shah Massoud. Afterward the September 2001 attacks in the United States, U.Due south. air raids followed by ground troops of the United Front ousted the Taliban from ability in Kabul. Between Nov and December 2001, the United Front gained control of most major Afghan cities. Had it not been for the United Front, the U.S. would have needed to deploy large number of ground troops, as was done in the Iraq War.

The United Front was influential in the transitional Afghan Authorities of Hamid Karzai from 2001 until 2004. Notably, Mohammed Fahim became the Vice President and Defence force Minister, Yunus Qanuni became the Minister of Didactics and Security Advisor and Abdullah Abdullah became the Foreign Minister. Most strange observers expected this dominance to continue and for Fahim or Qanuni to be selected as Karzai's Vice President in the 2004 elections. However, Karzai instead selected Ahmad Zia Massoud, younger brother of the old United Front leader Ahmad Shah Massoud. Karzai easily won the 2004 Presidential ballot with 55.4% of the vote, followed by three former leaders of the Northern Brotherhood, Quanuni (sixteen.3%), Mohaqiq (11.vii%) and Dostum (10%).

Some of the armed services strength of the UIF has at present been absorbed into the military of Afghanistan, while many of the remaining soldiers were disarmed through a nationwide disarmament program. The existence and force of the Afghan National Ground forces has significantly reduced the threat of the former UIF elements attempting to apply war machine action against the new NATO-backed Afghan government. Most of the country's senior military machine personnel are former members of the UIF, including Defense Minister Bismillah Khan Mohammadi.

Some members of the alliance are now part of the United National Front (Afghanistan) which is led past Rabbani and includes some onetime leaders of the UIF such as Yunus Qanuni, Mohammed Fahim, and Abdul Rashid Dostum. The United National Front has positioned itself as a "loyal" opposition to Hamid Karzai. Others like Abdul Rasul Sayyaf claim to be loyal to Hamid Karzai while, yet, following their own agenda.

Abdullah Abdullah, a doc of medicine and one of Ahmad Shah Massoud's closest friends, ran as an independent candidate in the 2009 Afghan presidential election and came in 2nd identify. On November 1, 2009, Abdullah, however, quit the runoff election considering of widespread allegations of election fraud. Some of his followers wanted to take to the streets but Abdullah called for at-home. Massoud Khalili, some other of Ahmad Shah Massoud'due south close friends, became ambassador to India and subsequently to Turkey, while the younger brother of Massoud, Ahmad Wali Massoud, serves as ambassador to the Great britain. Massoud'due south ex-commander Bismillah Khan Mohammadi was chief-of-staff of the Afghan National Ground forces, then as Minister of the Interior followed by Minister of Defense. One of Massoud's close intelligence agents, Amrullah Saleh, became director of the National Directorate of Security (NDS) in 2004 simply had to resign in 2010.

Reformation (2011) [edit]

The National Front of Afghanistan, which was created by Ahmad Zia Massoud, Abdul Rashid Dostum and Mohammad Mohaqiq in late 2011 to oppose peace talks with Taliban, is mostly considered every bit a reformation of the military wing of the United Forepart.[63] Meanwhile, much of the political wing has reunited under the National Coalition of Afghanistan led by Abdullah Abdullah.[64] [65]

Old head of the National Directorate of Security (NDS), Amrullah Saleh, created a new movement, Basej-i Milli, with support amidst the youth. It mobilized about x,000 people in an anti-Taliban demonstration in the uppercase Kabul in May 2011.[66] [67] [68] Old Northern Brotherhood strongman Mohammed Fahim, Vice President of Transitional islamic state of afghanistan, remained in an alliance with Hamid Karzai until Fahim's expiry in 2014.

2021 resurgence [edit]

Following a complete takeover of Transitional islamic state of afghanistan by the Taliban in 2021, the National Resistance Front of Afghanistan, led by Ahmad Massoud, son of late Afghan politician Ahmad Shah Massoud, and Vice President Amrullah Saleh started gathering force in Panjshir Valley.[69] [70] The flag of the 'Northern Alliance' or the United Islamic Forepart for the Salvation of Afghanistan was hoisted for the offset time since 2001 in Panjshir valley signalling their return.

Human rights issues (1996–2001) [edit]

The human rights situation during combat was heavily dependent on the specific commander and his troops. The state of affairs for different leaders and their troops of the United Front thus shows sharp contrasts. As well, the quality of life of the Afghan population was heavily dependent on the specific leader that was directly controlling the area in which they lived. Precipitous contrasts could besides be witnessed regarding life and structures in those areas.

Expanse of Ahmad Shah Massoud [edit]

Ahmad Shah Massoud controlled the Panjshir area, another parts of Parwan and Thakhar province. Some parts of Badakshan were under his influence while others were controlled by Burhanuddin Rabbani. Badakshan was the home region of Rabbani.

Massoud created institutions which were structured into several committees: political, health, education and economical.[22] In the expanse of Massoud women and girls were allowed to work and to go to schoolhouse,[22] and in at least two known instances Massoud personally intervened against cases of forced marriage.[71] Women also did not accept to vesture the Afghan burqa.[22] While information technology was Massoud's stated conviction that men and women are equal and should savour the same rights, he also had to deal with Afghan traditions which he said would demand a generation or more to overcome. In his opinion that could but be achieved through pedagogy.[22]

Hundreds of thousands of Afghans fled from the Taliban to the areas controlled by Massoud.[72] There was a huge humanitarian problem as there was non plenty to eat for both the existing population and the internally displaced Afghans. In 2001, Massoud and a French journalist described the bitter situation of the displaced people and asked for humanitarian assist.[72]

Expanse of Abdul Rashid Dostum [edit]

Northern Alliance troops under General Dostum'due south command in Mazar-e Sharif, December 2001

Until the conquest of Balkh by the Taliban in 1998, Abdul Rashid Dostum controlled the following provinces: Samangan, Balkh, Jowzjan, Faryab, and Baghlan provinces. Co-ordinate to Human Rights Spotter many of the violations of international humanitarian constabulary committed by the United Forepart forces appointment from 1996–1998[73] when Dostum controlled near of the north.

According to Man Rights Sentinel in 1997, some three,000 captured Taliban soldiers were summarily executed in and around Mazar-i Sharif by Dostum's Junbish-i Milli forces under the command of Abdul Malik Pahlawan. The killings followed Malik'southward withdrawal from a cursory alliance with the Taliban and the capture of the Taliban forces who were trapped in the metropolis.[31] With the U.South. War on Terror, troops loyal to Dostum as well returned to combat. In Dec 2001, during the U.Due south. invasion of Transitional islamic state of afghanistan, between 250 and 3,000 (depending on sources) Taliban prisoners were shot and/or suffocated to death in metal truck containers. The prisoners were killed while existence transferred from Kunduz to Sheberghan. This became known as the Dasht-i-Leili massacre[74] In 2009, Dostum denied the accusations.[75] [76] [77]

Dostum belonged to those commanders making their own, ofttimes draconian, laws. Human being Rights Watch has released documents alleging widespread crimes targeted against the civilian population.[31] Human Rights Watch asked to actively discourage and refuse support in any mode to whatsoever group or coalition that includes commanders with a record of serious violations of international humanitarian law standards, specifically naming Abdul Rashid Dostum; Muhammad Mohaqiq, a senior commander of the Hezb-e Wahdat; Abdul Rasul Sayyaf, leader of the sometime Ittehad-e Islami; and Abdul Malik Pahlawan, a sometime senior Junbish-i Milli commander.[31]

Encounter also [edit]

  • War in Afghanistan (1996–2001)
  • State of war in Transitional islamic state of afghanistan (2001–2021)
  • National Resistance Front end of Transitional islamic state of afghanistan

References [edit]

  1. ^ Davis, Anthony. "Fateful Victory". Asia Week . Retrieved xv September 2021 – via CNN. {{cite web}}: CS1 maint: url-status (link)
  2. ^ a b "War machine Help to the Afghan Opposition: Human Rights Watch Backgrounder October 2001". Human Rights Watch. Retrieved 15 September 2021. {{cite spider web}}: CS1 maint: url-status (link)
  3. ^ a b Coll, Steve (2004). Ghost Wars: The Secret History of the CIA, Afghanistan, and Bin Laden, from the Soviet Invasion to September 10, 2001. Penguin Group. pp. 289–297. ISBN9781594200076.
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External links [edit]

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Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Northern_Alliance

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